Monday, November 28, 2011

Malema guns for pro-Zuma premiers

He’s finished, right?

301654_2349445416478_1260388072_32830475_5931794_nfrom News24:

2011-11-27 16:45

Carien du Plessis, Sizwe sama Yende and Cathy Dlodlo

Johannesburg - Suspended ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema is gunning for provincial premiers sympathetic to President Jacob Zuma in a bid for political survival.

Last week, youth league leaders stripped the league’s Mpumalanga secretary John Mkhatshwa of his powers after he snubbed Malema’s call to work towards unseating Premier David Mabuza.

In Free State, where Malema has been since Thursday, the league said it is going to march against Premier Ace Magashule this week.

Half of the Mpumalanga league’s provincial executive committee resigned in protest against Mkhatshwa’s suspension on Friday.

Outgoing deputy secretary Themba Masombuka said the province did participate in youth league programmes, but had to support Mabuza as this was part of their provincial congress resolutions last year.

But league spokesperson Magdalene Moonsamy denied that Mkhatshwa was kicked out because he supported Mabuza.

Rather, she said that it was ­because of his “inability to carry out the tasks of the youth league. Everything else is just a rumour”.

Pro-Zuma

A few weeks ago, the league’s KwaZulu-Natal provincial executive committee – which was sympathetic to Zuma – was dissolved.

At the meeting attended by Malema in Bloemfontein on Thursday, provincial league chairperson Kgotso Morapela told the crowd: “Away with Magashule.”

Morapela accused Magashule of corruption and said the long-standing provincial ANC chairperson, who is pro-Zuma, should be replaced at the province’s conference next year.

While Malema is firing on all cylinders to overturn the sentence, there are serious concerns that one of the grounds of his disciplinary appeal could land the league in more trouble.

Malema’s lawyers handed in papers to the ANC’s national disciplinary committee of appeal on Thursday, asking them to reconsider his five-year suspension from the ANC.

One of the grounds of this appeal is an amendment to the youth league’s constitution, which many in the organisation claim was not done at its congress in June, making it illegal.

Some league leaders fear that such an amendment could give the ANC a reason to dissolve the league altogether, but Malema has denied that the amendment was illegally done.

Shore up support
One of Malema’s opponents said they have asked Luthuli House to intervene.

Malema warned that he would continue fighting for the issues he had been campaigning on, regardless of whether his suspension is held.

The league has the support of many ANC provincial secretaries, themselves former league leaders, but it is still trying to shore up support from provincial chairpersons.

This could help Malema if his appeal is ultimately reviewed by the ANC’s national executive committee, on which provincial secretaries and chairpersons serve.

Malema – flanked by party spokesperson Floyd Shivambu, who has been suspended from the ANC for three years – hinted on Thursday that he would not take his suspension lying down.

“I don’t care if whether I go or not, I will defend the decisions of the ANC Youth League until I see my grave,” he told the crowd in Bloemfontein.

“Whether I am a member of the ANC or not, in my little corner of the bundus, looking after cattle, I will convince those who are there looking after the cattle with me about the decisions of the ANC Youth League.”

- City Press

South Africa’s Malema admits he’s “finished”

I don’t believe this for a second.

malema12from Reuters:

 

Sun Nov 27, 2011 7:37am GMT

JOHANNESBURG Nov 27 (Reuters) - South Africa's Julius Malema, the firebrand leader of the ANC's Youth League, has admitted his political career is over after his suspension from the ruling party for breaking its internal rules, the Sunday Times newspaper reported.

The paper said Malema, the main force behind a push to nationalise the mines and banks in Africa's biggest economy, had admitted he was "finished politically" and had decided to go into cattle farming.

"I have 20 cattle now," he told the paper. "We will breed them, take them to the abattoir, slaughter them and then sell the meat."

The African National Congress (ANC) suspended Malema for five years earlier this month for causing rifts in the party and undermining foreign policy by calling for the overthrow of the elected government of neighbouring Botswana.

He lodged an appeal against the ruling this week, although the report in South Africa's Sunday Times suggests he is not optimistic about the outcome.

"I am not this religious person who believes that some intervention will come from heaven. I have looked at the trends. I have listened to the speeches. They are all pointing in one direction," he was quoted as saying.

Malema looked tired during the interview and declined to be photographed, the paper added.

The 30-year-old rose to prominence with calls to seize white-owned farm land and nationalise mines in the world's largest platinum producer, alarming investors.

The calls also won him legions of supporters from the country's poor black majority, who hope to see more wealth from the land and also envision him as a future leader.

Malema's absence from the political scene is also likely to smooth President Jacob Zuma's path to re-election as head of the ANC -- and therefore a second term in office -- at a major party congress in a year's time. (Reporting by Ed Cropley; Editing by Sophie Hares)

Wednesday, November 23, 2011

Secrecy Bill hits Wikipedia

Secrecy bill wiki

Wikipedia link

 

Apparently Jacob Zuma was approached for comment.  You can read his comments below:

 

Secrecy bill2

South Africa passes Secrecy Bill

Secrecy billfrom The New York Times: 

South Africa Passes Law to Restrict Reporting of Government Secrets

JOHANNESBURG — Brushing aside protests by press-freedom advocates and heroes of South Africa’s anti-apartheid struggle, Parliament overwhelmingly passed a contentious bill on Tuesday that will severely restrict the ability of journalists to report any information deemed to be a government secret.

The legislation, which still must undergo further steps to become law, would make it a crime, punishable by lengthy prison terms, to disseminate anything that any state agency regards as classified. Critics have called the legislation a throwback to the apartheid regime’s harsh repression and say it is meant to protect corrupt officials from press scrutiny.

Anger over the legislation was embodied by the presentation of an article published last week in The Mail & Guardian, a major weekly newspaper here, about Mac Maharaj, the spokesman for President Jacob Zuma. Most of the text had been blacked out. This outcome, the paper’s editor said, was what loomed for South Africa’s press if the legislation became law.

The Protection of Information Bill, as the legislation is called, must still clear a national council of provinces before it takes effect. Critics have said they will challenge it in South Africa’s constitutional court.

“The bill in its current form does take us back to pre-1994,” said Elston Sippie, executive director of the country’s Freedom of Expression Institute, referring to the year South Africa became a democracy. “I do think it is a setback in that we fought hard and long to get our bill of rights accepted amongst all South Africans. And it is that bill of rights that is now under threat.”

The onerous implications have some members of the media here feeling under more pressure than at any time since the fall of apartheid.

On both sides of the debate, people have said the battle between the press and the ruling party speaks to the fact that this country, less than two decades after the fall of apartheid, is still figuring out just how to get democracy right.

“Like the United States, it took many, many decades to have your Constitution developed to where it is now,” said Moegsien Williams, the editor of The Star, a daily newspaper based here. “We are now in that kind of process where we’re trying to kind of live up to and entrench the Bill of Rights.”

The news media and civil rights groups had fought unsuccessfully to get the ruling party, the African National Congress, to include an exception in the law that would allow for the revelation of classified information if it were in the public interest.

On Tuesday, protesters urged people to wear black, calling the day “Black Tuesday,” evoking memories of a similarly titled press crackdown in the 1970s under white rule. Demonstrators picketed outside of Parliament in Cape Town and in front of A.N.C. headquarters here.

Archbishop Desmond M. Tutu, a Nobel peace laureate and leading figure in the fight to end white-minority domination, said it was “insulting to all South Africans to be asked to stomach legislation that could be used to outlaw whistle-blowing and investigative journalism.”

The office of Nelson Mandela, South Africa’s first post-apartheid president and emblem of the struggle for democracy, said the legislation was “not yet at a point where it can be said to have met” constitutional standards.

But A.N.C. members stood firm in their support of the legislation, arguing it was repealing a harsher 1982 protection of information law.

“It is our experience that most opponents of this bill have not actually read this bill,” said Luwellyn Tyrone Landers, an A.N.C. parliamentary member. “Today’s events confirm that view.”

The bill will make it a crime punishable by 5 to 25 years in prison for anyone to reveal information that the state labels classified.

Journalists also have expressed concern about a looming proposal by the A.N.C. to create a tribunal that would hear and adjudicate citizen complaints against media outlets over issues of fairness and accuracy.

“These are the toughest times,” said Ferial Haffajee, the editor of City Press, a weekly newspaper here. “Across the board, I think you see attempts to curtail media freedom and free expression.”

Ms. Haffajee said she believed that the legislation reflected the vulnerabilities felt by the A.N.C., which has been the dominant party in South African politics since 1994. It is instinctive, she said, “for people in power to attempt to stifle the media when it makes exposures that are uncomfortable.”

But the protection bill “is not about suppressing the media or corruption,” Siyabonga Cwele, the minister of state security, said through an e-mailed statement from his spokesman, Brian Dube.

“The South African government is clear on the role of the media in our democracy, and our Constitution provides expressly for freedom of expression,” the statement continued. It added that the bill sought to balance “the right to access to information on the one hand, and the critical issues of national security.”

In a bluntly worded report released last year, a media watchdog established by Parliament and led by an A.N.C. member suggested that the media needed greater regulation.

“Freedom of expression needs to be defended, but freedom of expression can also be a refuge for journalist scoundrels, to hide mediocrity and glorify truly unprofessional conduct,” the report read.

The conflict between Mr. Maharaj and The Mail & Guardian came to a head when the paper told him it was publishing information from a confidential interview that Mr. Maharaj had with corruption investigators almost a decade ago. The information proved that Mr. Maharaj had lied to investigators, who were examining allegations of corrupt payments made to Mr. Zuma, who was then a high-ranking official, during a major arms deal in the late 1990s, said Nic Dawes, the paper’s editor in chief.

But under a little-known South African law, it would have been illegal for anyone to reveal the contents of Mr. Maharaj’s statements to investigators because they were made during a process in which he had to waive his right to remain silent. Even though the paper withheld the statements, Mr. Maharaj filed a criminal complaint, saying that it had intended to publish the information.

Mr. Maharaj said the media could not hold freedom of the press above his individual rights.

“There’s no single right that stands in a hierarchy,” he said. “It’s a balancing of those rights, and the process of building a democracy, is an ongoing exercise.”

Mr. Maharaj said he believed that The Mail & Guardian was using him as political football to raise opposition to the protection bill.

Indeed, the day before the blacked-out paper was published, Mr. Dawes posted a photo of the newspaper page on his Twitter feed with the note “A glimpse of life under #secrecybill.

Mr. Dawes also posted a copy of The Weekly Mail, the Mail & Guardian’s former name, from 1986 in which lines of an article were blacked out because of government censorship. It was routine practice in those days, Mr. Dawes said.

“For all of the problems that we have now, we still live in a democracy now and we didn’t then,” he said. “But you can’t avoid the kind of awful analogy that arises in these circumstances.”

Sunday, November 20, 2011

South African Police Farce part 4

HT: Censorbugbear

The problem with criminal thugs running the SAPS, is that it sets a good example for mindless twats.  Like a certain Juda Dagane.  Juda was or still is a forensic investigator at SAPS.

Below is an extract of his comments on the Julius Malema Facebook page.  He hates whites.  He wants to be part of a genocide against them.

We kindly ask that you report the relevant posts on these profiles as offensive.

dagane2

dagane

South African Police Farce part 3

Just when you thought losing 20,000 firearms in 3 years, 10,000 cops in jail and a criminal former police commissioner and Interpol president being handed a 15-year sentence couldn’t get any worse for SAPS track record…

CeleFrom News24:

Taxpayers fork out R1.3m for Cele's salary

Johannesburg - Taxpayers will spend at least R1.3m a year on suspended national police commissioner Bheki Cele's salary, according to reports on Sunday.

Police spokesperson Tummi Shai said the current salary of the police commissioner was between R1.3m and R1.5m a year, the Sunday Tribune reported.

Taxpayers were also expected to fork out millions more on Cele's legal fees.

Cele was suspended on October 24 on full pay, for his alleged role in the procurement of two police leases worth R1.6bn.

Taxpayers had already spent more than R30m on the legal costs for former national police commissioner Jackie Selebi and former Ekurhuleni metro police chief Robert McBride, according to the report.

Selebi was convicted of taking bribes from drug dealers in July 2010 after being suspended between February 2008 and July 2009.

McBride was convicted of drunk driving in April this year after being arrested in December 2006. He was dismissed in September 2008.

Selebi and McBride are both appealing.

Meanwhile, the board of inquiry into the leases was taking formative steps, with the three-member board meeting to receive important documents, the Sunday Tribune reported.

Friday, November 11, 2011

The last Boers of Patagonia

An old article from the Mail & Guardian, but interesting reading nonetheless.

PatagoniaSource: Mail & Guardian online

"Ek verstaan 'n bietjie Afrikaans, maar te praat is nie maklik vir my nie [I understand a bit of Afrikaans, but it's not easy for me to speak it]," says Juan Blackie matter-of-factly.

Nothing about this would be strange if it wasn't coming from a third-generation Boer descendant who has never been to South Africa. Blackie, a jovial, unshorn fellow in his early 40s, lives in Argentina's Chubut province in the small farming town of Sarmiento, about 160km inland from Comodoro Rivadavia, a dusty, wind-swept patch of earth on Patagonia's east coast where the Boers landed in 1903.

The kettle on the stove whistles and he takes it off the boil. He pours hot water into a gourd filled with bitter herbs and takes a sip of his maté, a traditional Argentine drink, before passing it around the room, which is filled with relatives who have been called in from around town to meet the South Africans who have ventured into the heart of Patagonia to track them down.

His aunt, Ana Schlebusch, a woman in her 50s with a broad, toothless smile and a farm-ruddied face, bursts into the living room a few minutes later. "Wie is die Suid Afrikaners?" she asks excitedly, a blush spreading outwards from her too-pink nose. She had received a phone call just minutes before to tell her the news and invite her over. Her eyes fix on the journalist stretching to remember pleasantries in his second language. She grins broadly and launches into a diatribe about how good it is to meet "regte Suid Afrikaners".

The Blackies and the Schlebusches are two of roughly 600 Afrikaner families who came to Argentina in the early 1900s after the Boers' overwhelming defeat to the British in the Anglo-Boer War. They aren't exactly Boers any more -- more an amalgamation of Boer and Argentine, who themselves are a hodgepodge mix of their European, mostly Spanish and Italian, forefathers. Traces of Afrikaner culture remain -- they make biltong from guanacos, a small type of llama native to Patagonia, spice up their Spanish with the odd Afrikaans word and love their brandewyn and Coke -- but over the generations it has obtained a distinctly Argentinian flavour.

Listening to this woman's flawless Afrikaans, you'd be forgiven for assuming you were sitting on a stoep in Blikkiesdorp or Bapsfontein. But she is an exception, one of only a handful of Boer descendants who still keep the language alive.

In 1965 Sunday Times journalist Peter Schirmer visited the town and wrote that in Sarmiento "more Afrikaans than Spanish is heard in the shops, bars and offices", but that is no longer the case. Today names such as Kruger, Van der Merwe, Botha, Van Wyk, De Bruyn and Eloff are still around, but the people who hold them are a far cry from the Afrikaners in South Africa and maintain little of the cultural heritage of their ancestors.

 

The last great trek

Patagonia's east coast is a dry place, not all that dissimilar to the Karoo, which is why the Argentine government, under General Julio A Roca, gave the Boers the land in 1902, thinking that the hard-working South African farmers could draw fruit from the earth. Argentina wanted to attract settlers to Patagonia and the Boers wanted a patch of land in the sun that they could call their own after the British had burned their farms in the Anglo-Boer War.

The first ones arrived in 1903 -- the bittereinders who refused to cede to British rule -- and looked out at the barren horizon on a cold June afternoon. Many couldn't believe this was their new land, bleak sandstone cliffs rising sheer from the icy Atlantic.

It wasn't easy going. There were no houses, no infrastructure and, most importantly, no drinking water. More soon followed and, by 1907, there were more than 600 Boer families in the region, although almost half returned to South Africa in 1938, the centenary of the Great Trek, which saw a huge resurgence in Afrikaner nationalism. Sara De Langer, a third-generation Boer descendant in her early 60s living in Comodoro, says the closest water source was 36km away and it had to be brought in by wagon. She wears the khaki of her forefathers and her face is deeply grooved, weathered by years in the Patagonian wind.

"The Boers used to call this place 'Die of Thirst'," she tells me in word-perfect Afrikaans, which is tinged with a Spanish accent. For a long time they lived in tents and tried to do what they knew best -- work the land -- but the climate in this far corner of the Earth is cold, arid and unforgiving.

The Boers were among the first settlers to arrive in Comodoro. The population in 1903 was just 140; now it's the biggest city in Patagonia with a population of 300 000. They soon began to build roads and telegraph lines so that they could link their land, as well as schools, bridges and dams -- all through their own efforts and resources. They worked hard, subsisted poorly and lived up to their hardy reputation.

In 1907 the Boers' pleas to the Argentine government to search for water were heard and a drilling machine was sent down from Buenos Aires. But instead of water they hit oil, vast deposits of it, much of it on the land they had been given. The drive from Comodoro to Sarmiento today is littered with mechanical giants, limbs reaching into the earth to pump 25% of Argentina's total oil deposits. Had the regulations been different, the Boers may well have developed into an elite enclave of Argentine society, but Argentine law decrees that all mineral rights belong to the state.

"The story of the Boers in Chubut is a remarkable one, in terms of privation, hardship and loss," says Tony Leon, the former Democratic ­Alliance leader and now South African ambassador to Argentina, who, with his wife, has been living in Buenos Aires for just over a year.

Many Boers trekked further into the hinterland, reaching Sarmiento, where they found arable land and running water. The area is an oasis compared with the harsh Patagonian semidesert surrounding it and reminded the Boers so much of their abandoned South African farmland that they decided to set up camp permanently. They planted willows and elms for windbreaks and to prevent erosion, and Sarmiento bloomed.

 

Lekker op die plaas

In Bruce Chatwin's 1977 seminal text on the area, creatively named In Patagonia, the renowned travel writer describes the Boers as such: "They lived in fear of the Lord, celebrated Dingaan's Day and took oaths on the Dutch Reformed Bible. They did not marry outsiders and their daughters had to go to the kitchen if a Latin entered the house." De Langer is quick to dispel this notion. The Boers were forced to acclimatise to their new land, they had to learn the language and the customs of the native people. Certainly, these days Chatwin's assertion holds little weight. Every Boer descendant the Mail & Guardian spoke to had married an Argentine. If their politiek, as Chatwin claims, was once separatist, it is no longer.

Back at the Blackie house, a DVD is put into the machine and the whole family gathers round to watch a documentary made in the 1970s about this intriguing sect of Argentine society. Schlebusch points at the TV: "Those are my brothers," she says in Afrikaans, gesturing to three men seated on a bench. "The one in the middle is dead. The other two still work on the farm, but they struggle a lot." At one time there were several families living on their sheep farm -- about 30 to 40 people in total, Schlebusch says -- but now her brothers are the only ones left.

The documentary comes to an end and a home video of the yearly Afrikaans fiesta is put on. Every February until 2005 about 300 Boer descendants gathered in the veld near Sarmiento, setting up their tents in a big kraal for a weekend of athletics, rugby, braai vleis and sokkie (dancing). In the video an elderly man sits on a stage playing Sarie Marais on his accordion while the youngsters whirl around the dance floor.

Up until a few years ago it was typical for many Boer families to live on a single farm. The festival was a way to bring all the Boers in the region together and because many of them lived in relative proximity it was easier for them to get together. But families gradually began to leave the farms -- their children often got jobs in the city -- and the festival's attendance dwindled. By 2005, with so few families willing to make the trek and attend, it, more than anything else, just petered out.

 

108 years of solitude

At one time the Boer community in Patagonia was the biggest community of Boers living outside South Africa, but exactly how many Boers now live in Comodoro and its surrounding areas is unclear, although Graciela Àguila Hammond, another third-generation Boer, claims a 2008 survey puts the number at about 1 200. Martin Blackie puts the number at about 500.

Leon says "the embassy has no accurate estimation of the number of Boer descendants, simply because, according to our records, none of them are South African citizens. However, during my visit to Comodoro Rivadavia last November, I met about 35 Boer families and was told by them that the community numbered 'several hundred'."

Leon went to Comodoro to address the Boer community shortly after he was made ambassador in August 2009. He said to the congregation (in Afrikaans, of course): "I hope that this community and its heritage and language will survive in Argentina" and was fed some of Hammond's melktert. Hammond runs Die Kleep, a koffiehuis in the town. She started the place eight years ago to mark the centenary of the Boers' arrival here.

At the time the first-generation Boers had almost all died out and she wanted to find a way to preserve Afrikaans culture. She did it through soetkos. On the menu are treats you'd be likely to find at any tuisnywerheid: melktert, koeksisters, konfyt, ardekoekies, sjokolade koek and such. The worn linoleum, the plastic chairs and the warm welcome remind you of a good vetkoek paleis in die Vrystaat, although no vetkoeks are for sale here.

In Hammond's home-cum-coffee shop she proudly displays a bottle of Amarula, some kitsch tribal masks and a print of a lion, all trinkets her cousin brought back when she visited South Africa on holiday last year. Her Afrikaans is almost unintelligible through her thick Spanish accent and the Spanish words she frequently throws into sentences, but she manages to get her point across in her congenial manner, stumbling when she tries to think of an Afrikaans word she can't remember.

"I learned Afrikaans at home -- it was my 'kitchen language' -- but now I speak mostly Spanish," she says. At 18 she left home to study, got married to an Argentine soon after and spoke Afrikaans only at Boer gatherings. Spanish became her new kombuistaal and her children never learned it. Juan Wright (69) lives in Sarmiento. He spoke Afrikaans when he was a child, but has long since forgotten the language. All he can remember are the bad words.

"Damn it!" he shouts suddenly. "What does 'damn it' mean?" The closest approximation I can offer in my sketchy Spanish is diablo -- or devil -- although I know the essence is lost in translation. "I never knew what it meant. My father used to say it when we had done something wrong," he explains through our interpreter, Luis, raising the back of his hand in a mock swipe.

His niece, Ana Wright, says her grandparents didn't allow her father to learn Afrikaans. "Spanish lessons cost a lot. My grandfather said he didn't want to waste his money on his children learning a language if they weren't going to use it." Juan Wright chips in: "When my mother and my aunt came here, they couldn't speak any Spanish. When they went to the shops, they had to point at the things they wanted. Our parents wanted us to be Argentinian so that we didn't have to go through that."

The Argentinian Boers left South Africa before the language was formalised. As a result, none seems to know how to read or write in Afrikaans, although the community hopes to get an Afrikaans teacher to keep the language alive -- at least for one more generation. "Last year we asked Leon for an Afrikaans teacher but we still haven't heard anything," says De Langer. Leon says the embassy is working on it, but in the past year, promoting the Fifa World Cup took priority.

Martin Blackie, Juan's seventysomething uncle, a second-generation Boer whose mother was among the first batch of settlers and whose father was detained in a concentration camp during the Anglo-Boer war, was honorary vice-consul of the Boer descendants in Chubut for 20 years, a position he held with much pride, but with the decline of an authentic Boer community there was no longer need for a consul and his position fell away last year. His children also speak little Afrikaans.

Though the language may disappear, he is right in thinking the Boer descendants in Patagonia will retain many aspects of Boer culture, even if in "20 or 30 years Afrikaans is not spoken here".

They are losing their language, but they express the vibrant spirit of their culture in the Spanish they were thrown into. Their forefathers, with stubbornness and gall, had the courage to venture across the Atlantic in a rusty vessel and today's Boer descendants in Patagonia are following their example, burgeoning forward in a country at once emphatically foreign and completely theirs.

Thursday, November 10, 2011

Malema kicked out–with pay

malema food

Suspended with full pay.  In other words a paid vacation.  I wonder if he will spend more time managing his “family trust”, you know, the one which receives bribes for government tenders…

 

 

 

 

 

 

from IOL:

ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema had to “vacate his position”, the party's national disciplinary committee said on Thursday.

“The respondent shall vacate his position as the president of the ANC Youth League,” said chairman Derek Hanekom in Johannesburg.

Malema was suspended for an effective five years.

“Malema damaged the standing of the ANC and South Africa's international reputation,” said Hanekom.

The ANC has kicked Youth League leader, Julius Malema, out of the party for five yearsafter finding him guilty of sowing division.

Julius Malema was found guilty of provoking divisions within the ruling party and of bringing the organisation into disrepute on Thursday.

His statements on Botswana were “reckless” , the party's national disciplinary committee chairman Derek Hanekom said.

This was after Malema said earlier this year the ANCYL would send a team to Botswana to consolidate local opposition parties and help bring about regime change there.

Malema later apologised for the remarks, but they were widely believed to have caused serious diplomatic embarrassment for the ANC.

He was earlier on Thursday found guilty of interrupting a meeting of national ruling party officials that included President Jacob Zuma.

That guilty finding related to Malema, ANCYL deputy president Ronald Lamola, treasurer general Pule Mabe, secretary general Sindiso Magaqa and deputy secretary general Kenetswe Mosenogi.

On that charge, the group was suspended from the ruling party for two years on Thursday. The sanction was suspended for three years.

Malema, who was busy writing exams in Limpopo on Thursday, had 14 days to appeal against the ruling.

He would remain on full pay until all the appeal processes were completed, ANC spokesman Jackson Mthembu said. - Sapa

Sunday, November 06, 2011

SA-295–Helderberg

0272229_smallOn November 28 1987, a South African Airways 747-244b aircraft (Aircraft Identification ZS-SAS) with 159 passengers on board crashed into the Indian Ocean, 160 miles north east of Mauritius.  All passengers and crew perished.

Official inquiries into the incident and cause for the disaster never yielded definitive resolution.  The previous government in South Africa, lead by the National Party, was either grossly incompetent in its fact-finding mission or deliberately obstructive.  Then there is also the part played by the ANC.  One “official” cause supplied was that a fire caused by fireworks on board resulted in the disaster.

What follows here is a personal account of a very distinguished gentleman.  A very intelligent man.  But that is only my opinion.  You decide for yourself.

Source:

With Malice and Forethought

“When a distinguished but elderly scientist states that something is possible, he is almost certainly right. When he states that something is impossible, he is very probably wrong.”
- Clarke's First Law -

Preamble

In the late fall of 1987 I was approached by Colonel Jorrie Jordaan to produce a rather nasty weapon system that would be used in the war in Angola. Since I was already designing the security systems for military bases, borders and key points, and I had worked on advanced and non-conventional systems in the past, the “marriage” of my previous experience with this new ‘purpose’ was a natural transition, as far as Jorrie was concerned.

Jorrie wanted a way to take down the Migs that were giving us so much grief, but he wanted to do it in a way that would make it look like pilot error and keep the Russians and Cubans guessing. The best technological ‘fit’ I could work out at the time was an accelerated laser weapon with a nuclear source. We could constrain a highly energized particle stream inside a “tube” or “ring” laser, bring its energy level up to a few trillion volts and send it into a Mig. It would be like a focused EMP Cannon with a 1/4 wave frequency anywhere from hundreds of yards to thousands of miles in length. The result of a hit on a plane (and the pilot it contained), would be catastrophic, but almost undetectable unless one found the energy transfer point.

A few months after the request had come through to develop the weapon, and the prototypes of smaller units had been constructed as a proof of concept, it came time to build the working device that would be deployed in Northern SWA (now Namibia). There were however problems with the acquisition of parts and materials for the larger device. You can’t walk into a hardware store and buy a few megawatts of Class IV lasers or highly enriched u239. These kinds of components and materials had to come from overseas. Armscor already had a working relationship with SAA (South African Airlines) to move armaments and even though a weapons embargo was in place, it was not being seriously managed by it’s most staunch supporters (ref. 1988 US/Iraqi arms deal with French support delivered through SA for direct shipment to Saddam, for the invasion of Kuwait, this was after the Helderberg catastrophe, but nothing was really any different in 1987 as opposed to 1988) (1).

Colonel Jordaan needed to get the materials into SA, so he did what any loyal Boer would, he handled the purchase and transport himself. After all, this was a very sensitive and highly illegal operation and the success of the operation meant success for all of South Africa. What follows is a bit of the story...

The Events Surrounding the Helderberg Specifically

Jorrie was allegedly at a science conference, that was the cover story and having his wife with him made it look perfectly innocent. What he was really doing however, was between him and very few others. The cover was that  Armscor had told him they wanted him there to examine new technology, possibly for security applications. That’s what he told everyone, like Andre and I, before he left.

I knew a couple of things though, both PMP and Somchem wanted a new Ammonium Perchlorate (APC or AMP) accelerant mix for the solid fuel propellant in SAMS. Atlas needed a contained fissile source for something I had designed for Jorrie and Armscor to take down the Migs in Angola. The Minister and Armscor were not adverse, to ‘strong-arming’ SAA pilots to move weapons and material shipments to get around the arms embargo, by using commercial airlines. To make matters worse, they had ‘bought men’ in the airports to expedite their ‘packages’ and ‘sanitize’ the paperwork.

Then there was the underlying problem with Armscor and the government, both of which had two internally warring factions Jorrie had told me. Armscor was politically fractured, he called the two sides, the hawks and the doves. And either side was capable of doing anything to the other side to further their positions, including killing fellow officers.

The day before Jorrie left Taiwan, he received his “samples” shipped from North Korea through China. Plenty enough material to replicate for PMP and Somchem. He handed this off to an operative for vacuum packaging and transport on the plane. He went back to the hotel, showered and threw out his day clothes. He wouldn’t want the “sniffers” to pick up a problem in the airport. He might not be able to fix that ‘little’ situation.

The next day at the airport, while Jorrie was waiting to clear his tickets and his baggage, one of his “trusted” operatives approached him with guarded urgency. This was a man who should not have been there. He motioned Jorrie aside, away from the crowds and the line of people.  Recognizing him, Jorrie told his wife to wait in the queue while he thought, ‘it must be important’.

The displaced operative whispered to him, “you have to stay, tell her there is a problem with the baggage, I’ll wait”, and that was all he said.

Jorrie turned and visibly checked his wife. When he turned back, the man was moving away and into the crowds of milling people to stand against the outside wall. He would have to think fast.

He had not checked his bags yet. He took his wife out of the queue to sit down and told her, “I will take care of the bags, you can just stay here and read, relax for a bit.”

He had positioned her sufficiently far enough away, in a quiet area where she wouldn’t be able to see exactly what he was up to. Jorrie stood in plain sight for about 10 minutes, then he bypassed the desks and took his bags to his displaced operative standing at the outside wall.

He said, “take these outside, put them in the trunk of a close cab and wait in it, when I come out, I’ll find you, wait till I am at the cab and get out, get your car and follow me to the hotel, take my bags from my cab, wait one hour and drop them off at the front desk, say you are from the airport, give them apologies or something.”

The man raised his hand and nodded in acknowledgment and confirmation, took the bags, found a cab, loaded them in the trunk and waited. Jorrie headed back towards the ticket counter and baggage check area and started waiting, to make his move.

After about fifteen minutes he went over and complained to his wife, “they said there is something wrong with our luggage, it has been taken by security to be checked, can you believe it?”

She asked, “what could be wrong, dearie?”
He shrugged, “I don’t know, yesus, these bloody Chinese, they said to go back to the hotel.”
“But we’ll miss our flight,” she worried.

He responded, “then we will, they said they would honour the tickets, don’t worry, they will sort it out,” he said, “ach, let’s get out of this stupid place.”

And he walked her out the front door to the waiting cab. His associate exited, Jorrie and his wife entered. They made their way back to the hotel and checked in for another night. His wife didn’t notice, she was waiting near the hotel doors, but Jorrie had told the driver to wait five minutes and he would send someone down for the bags. Once upstairs he scheduled his re-return flight to Johannesburg. Downstairs, in front of the hotel, his associate had removed the luggage and was waiting in his car.

One hour later, his operative delivered the luggage to the front desk. He said he was delivering for South African Airlines, there had been a mix up, “please give them our apologies.” The front desk called up. The Op was gone. The desk had the luggage sent upstairs and Jorrie’s wife didn’t know a damned thing about what had just transpired.

On the plane, it was a different story. The pilot and two crew members knew something nasty was coming on board. They didn’t know exactly what even though they had suspicions, they did know it wasn’t ‘good’. As every time before though, there would be a handler and “he” would take care of the cargo. Prior to take-off, the pilot noticed an irregularity, the handler had not boarded. Imagining the worse, with good reason, he refused to take off (3a).

Then the threats came from Pretoria, it was the one call that would change 159 lives. A Minister called and told the pilot that if he didn’t take off they wouldn’t just “release” him from his duties, they would “release” his family and anyone else he cared about for that matter. With his back to the wall, he taxied out and took off, not knowing the two missing passengers names were being purged from all records relating to his flight.

Follow the link to continue reading the rest of this fascinating account…

Wednesday, November 02, 2011

South African Police Farce part 2

It is difficult to decide which is worse.  The absolute corruption in each and every state department in South Africa or the total incompetence of BEE or AA appointees.

Here is another example.  A white 22-year old student is viciously attacked by a black man after a Bible study session at her apartment in a security complex.  Such was the heinous nature of the attack that medical personnel who treated the student described it as the perpetrator virtually dissecting her.

Even though previous warrants are out for this man’s arrest, he was not listed on the SAPS public register for violent criminals.  No, that is not the worst part yet.

So he gets caught.  At which point the demented animals like the vile lapdog, her delusional feathered friend and crack head buddies can jump up and down and shout “Crime is down.  Crime is down.  Criminals are being caught.”

That is until the criminal complains of “feeling ill”, is taken to hospital after the two bafoons disguised as cops remove his handcuffs and leg irons and allow him to escape through a toilet window.

Yet, that is not the end of total incompetence, corruption and thuggery.

The two cops, I mean bafoons, appear in court for defeating the ends of justice.  So a newspaper reporter takes their picture while in court.  They are released on warning.  So what do they do?  They follow the reporter who took their photograph, take pictures of him and note down his vehicle’s registration number.  You can only imagine for what purpose.

Read the complete post at Censorbugbear:

Capture

Tuesday, November 01, 2011

Volkstaat Maps Prove Boer Orientation of Afrikaans Self Determination.

While looking at a number of maps for the proposed Afrikaner & or Boer Volkstaat I was struck how ALL of these maps intrinsically make the same basic point I have been making for years. IE: the drive for independence & secession within the broader local White population is far more concentrated within the Boer descended population. [ As opposed to Cape Dutch descendents & English speakers etc. ] There are those who assert that campaigning for Boer independence is "divisive" yet the very maps for the various proposed Volkstaat[s] all vindicate & validate the very point I & others have made. As a matter of fact these maps all recognize this point by noticeably leaving the bulk of the Cape Dutch population OUT of the equation. For example: the Cape Dutch strongholds are not even part of the various maps for the proposed Volkstaat. Therefore: if the Cape Dutch descendents were truly as interested in independence as the Boer descendents are then there should be at least some Volkstaat maps which include the Cape Dutch descended populated area of the Western Cape region within a proposal.

Out of all the maps I have seen: not one of them included the Cape Dutch descended stronghold of the Western Cape [ excluding the generic Western Cape secessionist movement which is a somewhat different matter ] & many even exclude Johannesburg within them. Even none other than the map of Dan Roodt [ who eschews the term Boer & favours the dispossessing term Afrikaner ] consists entirely of Boer populated & or historically held territory while conspicuously excluding the Cape Dutch descended population region. Now I know there is indeed a fledgling secessionist movement to break the Western Cape off from South Africa but that movement is not strictly an Afrikaner Volkstaat movement.

The folks who are most wanting a Volkstaat or Afrikaans language based autonomous state are overwhelmingly of Boer descent as even the various map proposals clearly indicate. Yet many Boer descendents insist on diluting their natural strength [ which comes as a natural result from identifying with the Afrikaner designation ] by ceding authority over to an amorphous Afrikaner macro grouping [ whose leadership naturally usurps the Boers' leadership when lumping the two groups together & consequently sharing a leadership ] - the bulk of whom are not descended from the Boer people & whose strongholds are not even part of the various Volkstaat proposal maps. This stark realization should prompt more of those Boer descendents who still think of themselves as Afrikaners to wake up because struggling for freedom under the Afrikaner designation is analogous to Scots struggling for freedom under the British designation or Quebecois struggling for independence under the Canadian designation.


The map for the proposed Volkstaat from the Freedom Front. Chosen for its sparse population.

The map of Dan Roodt spanning the Cape frontier region where the Boers developed / emerged right up to portions of OVS & ZAR Boer Republics. The Cape Dutch stronghold within the Western Cape is conspicuously omitted yet Boers are expected to classify as "Afrikaners" - a designation which was initiated & promoted by Cape Dutch intellectuals at Paarl starting in 1875 back when the Boer Republics were still independent & internationally recognized.


The map of Robert van Tonder of the Boerestaat Party which was a consolidation of the Orange Free State Republic with most of the Transvaal Republic [ ZAR ] & with the Vryheid Republic. This Boerestaat model was based on areas which were independent & under Boer government.